I'm sure we'll get back to the thread title in the fullness of time, as it doesn't look like a story that's going to go away, but there's a few things to update (before someone else gets them).
The first concerns some factual errors in chronology on my part. I basically got my recollection of Whig history and its factionalism wrong. It doesn't alter the substance of what I was suggesting, but the detail isn't right (as opposed to Clive's assertion - which is wrong in substance and diagnosis)
In order to understand the political party structure we have to go back to how these things were formed and evolved. Broadly speaking the political grouping known as the Tories dates from the 1670's. This was not the result of a popular demand and sop to democracy as Clive would have you believe. Nothing could be further from the truth. It was very much more as I described, a collection of privleged individuals representing themselves and their allies in the pursuit of their own wealth. They did this under the guise of a nominal constituency in which their candidacy, vote, and majority was inbuilt. These landed gentry worked together to promote each others individual interests to the mutual indivudal benefits of all involved. Membership was exclusive. You needed to be able to demonstrate that you were reliable, useful, and possessed sufficient influence to join the club of voters. They could easily support sub optimal decisions if it benefited indivudal(s) within their membership, provided that the favour would be returned. This is why I referred to it as corrupt. Such a structure I believe is corrupt in conception and operation. If the objective of parliamentary democracy was to make the best decisions in support of the demos, then this would most likely be achieved if we could have experts making those decisions unburdened by artifically imposed constraint (the political party).
Here's the sting though. Without the cloak of the party though, the indvidual(s) would increasingly be renedered impotent spectators regardless of their expertise. For this reason the structure performs another corruption, and the concept of loyalty to the party above the electorate starts to emerge. If you betray your friends, you're ejected from the club. With ejection comes loss of influence
Schisms do start to emerge as competing self-interest groups vie with each other for supremacy. This is the genesis of the political party structure and the over arching characteristics are exclusiveness and avarice. 'The People' and a democratic mandate are notable by their exclusion. Whigism remains the dominant affiliation but you have Pittists and Reformers, and Radicals which later become the Chartists (if I've got that timeframe right?)
As we start to move in the production age the means of wealth creation starts to alter. The landed estates and agrairian economy is about to be swept away. Pitt is dead and Peel becomes the torch carrier for the faction of the Tories. In 1834, in the wake of the Great Reform Act, the 'Conservative Party' is founded even though it had been operating for decades previous. With the numbers stacking against the opposition the Liberals form in 1859, even though a radical brand of Whigism had equally operated before this.
Labour and Co-operative movements come later but they're largely ineffective until such time as their natural vote is allowed to participate in elections. This is of course resisted for decades as the whole political party structure is based on self-interest and no one is about to invite a third group that has the potential represent the people to the table. It's only the events of the first world war and the reprecussions across Europe that convinces Britain to make this sop. By now though the template is established. You have to form a party to challenge the status quo
At this stage I want to link this little item I unearthed on the BBC website
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-30379986
In truth the fella hasn't done badly given that it was written in the 1930's and was a prediction of what the country would like in 100 years time. I'd partcularly draw Clives attention to his prediction for 'Politics'. In the first case he predicts greater participation with government being much more responsive to the people (he's clearly aware of the fault line). He also suggests that by now democracy should be moving along the path to maturity and capable of ditching the straight-jacket that is the party structure with all its corrupting and artificial impositions of imperfect decisions. He suggests this acronistic entity has had its day and won't have any useful future role. Instead he suggests that we'll be calling out for "governance by experts" (again another contradiction of Clive's assertion that our current MP's are expert - they aren't!)
Smith died in the 1930's but I suspect he'd have been more convinced of getting this right than many of his predictions were he to see how the country responded when faced with an existential crisis in 1939. At a time when we needed to make correct decisions like never before did we fall back on the party political structure? No. We formed a government of national unity that true talent from across the spectrum. This is really an admission of the limitations of the party political structure
I suspect that he's probably describing the future, albeit he's under estimated other factors.
The parliamentary process reproduces in its own image. Those who populate have done very nicely thankyou, and won't therefore see fault lines in it. The pressure for change will have to come from outside of it, be it through protest or through demonstration of superior models.
I don't see that the climate is right for protest. It's always possible that confidence in it could be eroded through a combination of apathy or people perhaps turning to other leaders in recognition that they actually have a greater impact on society than duly elected puppets who serve their party above all else.
I don't believe as Clive does however, that there aren't some subtle strands within the democratic family. You might argue for instance that the American Presdiential system is closer to governance by expert whereby a President appoints an executive in much the same way as a multi national enterprise would. You could argue the EU embodies some of this as well. Neither are without their fault lines.
In the UK we get by with inexperts fronting up (the politicians) whilst the expertise is behind them in the policy machinary of Whitehall