As I see it, the Queen is not being asked to make apologies, and I certainly don't expect it. I am surprised she is even going to the Garden of Remembrance, there are plenty of Irish who see the Garden as a glorification of a physical force tradition they don't like. Presumably her visit is intended as an acknowledgement that the cause of Irish freedom was an honourable one, and no more than that.
Regarding Irish neutrality in WW2, there is a lot of misinformation, some of it deliberate (such as labelling De Valera a Hitler lover). We are also discussing events that took place 70 years ago, less than 20 years after Ireland obtained dominion status, so it's necessary to see things in context.
Churchill was not that interested in Ireland joining the war, he was more interested in being sure the Germans didn't get to invade it and use it as platform from which to attack Britain. True, he wanted access to the three Irish ports that had just been handed back only in 1938, and the archives show that the option of retaking them by force was given serious consideration. But the British calculated in the end that if neutrality improved Ireland's chances of not being invaded, then they could do without the ports.
Why did Ireland not join the war? It took the same option as every other small country in Europe. Not one of them chose to become involved. They each viewed the impending war as a conflict between major powers that they were best off keeping out of. Most of them were dragged into it, of course, because they were invaded, but all of them had chosen neutrality.
Irish public opinion was in favour of neutrality for Ireland, but only a minority were sympathetic to Germany. It was not obvious to everyone at the time that the Nazi regime was entirely evil. Even Britain had its share of Hitler admirers. Those in Ireland drawn to the German camp were hard line republicans, who saw Britain's enemy as a potential ally. In this they were no different to some of the Jewish paramilitary organisations in Palestine, who also sought to cooperate with the Germans for the same motives. De Valera was terrified that the Germans might actually assist the IRA, and introduced internment for IRA members to preclude it. Why was he terrified? Because of the reaction it might provoke from Britain, but also because he feared a German invasion.
The UK's main concern was that Ireland not be invaded by Germany, while Ireland's concern was to be invaded by nobody. Once that principle had been established, and the overt aspects of neutrality were rigidly respected, there was practical assistance given to the British (see Viscount Cranborne's memo below).
Regarding merchant shipping, British and allied ships were being attacked and sunk. Irish ships were also attacked because they were carrying vital exports to Britain (mainly food) and many were engaged in a triangular traffic that involved carrying British exports to Portugal for onward movement. Ireland suffered its own casualties at the hands of the U-boats, losing 18 ships, about a quarter of its tiny merchant fleet, with the loss of 180 lives.
The Cranborne report
Viscount Cranborne, the British
Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs, wrote a letter to the
British War Cabinet regarding Irish-British collaboration during 1939-1945:
[37]
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- They agreed to our use of Lough Foyle for naval and air purposes. The ownership of the Lough is disputed, but the Southern Irish authorities are tacitly not pressing their claim in present conditions and are also ignoring any flying by our aircraft over the Donegal shore of the Lough, which is necessary in certain wind conditions to enable flying boats to take off the Lough.
- They have agreed to use by our aircraft based on Lough Erne of a corridor over Southern Irish territory and territorial waters for the purpose of flying out to the Atlantic.
- They have arranged for the immediate transmission to the United Kingdom Representative’s Office in Dublin of reports of submarine activity received from their coast watching service.
- They arranged for the broadening of reports by their Air observation Corps of aircraft sighted over or approaching Southern Irish territory. (This does not include our aircraft using the corridor referred to in (b) above.)
- They arranged for the extinction of trade and business lighting in coastal towns where such lighting was alleged to afford a useful landmark for German aircraft.
- They have continued to supply us with meteorological reports.
- They have agreed to the use by our ships and aircraft of two wireless direction-finding stations at Malin Head.
- They have supplied particulars of German crashed aircraft and personnel crashed or washed ashore or arrested on land.
- They arranged for staff talks on the question of co-operation against a possible German invasion of Southern Ireland, and close contact has since been maintained between the respective military authorities.
- They continue to intern all German fighting personnel reaching Southern Ireland. On the other hand, though after protracted negotiations, Allied service personnel are now allowed to depart freely and full assistance is given in recovering damaged aircraft.
- Recently, in connection with the establishment of prisoner of war camps in Northern Ireland, they have agreed to return or at least intern any German prisoners who may escape from Northern Ireland across the border to Southern Ireland.
- They have throughout offered no objection to the departure from Southern Ireland of persons wishing to serve in the United Kingdom Forces nor to the journey on leave of such persons to and from Southern Ireland (in plain clothes).
- They have continued to exchange information with our security authorities regarding all aliens (including Germans) in Southern Ireland.
- They have (within the last few days) agreed to our establishing a Radar station in Southern Ireland for use against the latest form of submarine activity.
“